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Nigeria is Collapsing – Gani Adams

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Chief Gani Adams, in an interview, stressed on the sickening state of the nation and the continued flouting of court orders by the current regime among other issues.

What have been the challenges of your office as the Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland and are the elders in the region cooperating with you to advance the socio-political and cultural interests of the South-West?

Since I became the Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland, I have never collected a dime from any government or leader. I run the office with my little resources. You know that the Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland doesn’t receive a salary. But he lives on contracts and patronage from the government and corporate organisations.

We know about the history of the 13th Aare Ona Kakanfo, Samuel Ladoke Akintola. We know about the late Chief MKO Abiola. As the 14th Aare Ona Kakanfo, he was rich but also a contractor. He handled contracts on telecommunications. It would be two years on January 13, 2020, that I was installed as the 15th Aare Ona Kakanfo.

As I said, I have never collected money from either the Federal Government or governors. But I am not complaining. The spirit of the position will empower me at the right time. There is no Aare Ona Kakanfo that will not be rich in the future. But I was not poor before I became the Aare Ona Kakanfo. I was comfortable in my level. But notwithstanding, the challenge behind the office is resources.

I should be able to solve some problems. Every month, I receive about 40 cultural invitations for the celebration of days in some communities across states. Days such as Osogbo Oroki Day, Ode-Omu Day etc. For social engagements like weddings, I receive about 30 every month. We had to create a manifest for the programme so that some of my chiefs-in-council can be at the ones I am unable to attend. And for my security details to plan their programmes whenever we are to go out.

My charity cause is still there as people visit my residence to see me. But I have ensured that people should be allowed in for such purposes only on appointment.

There are also cultural programmes in the Diaspora which I attend. In Nigeria, we have cultural promotion through which we hold 18 festivals in a year. Even some communities in Yorubaland who hitherto don’t promote their cultures are now doing so. They need the support of the Aare Ona Kakanfo.

On the issue of security challenges in Yorubaland, some people demanded to know what I was doing about the situation. Some of them have forgotten that the Aare Ona Kakanfo we have now is not more potent than the olden days Aare Ona Kakanfo. The old Aare of the Oyo Empire was during the time of (Obadoke) Latoosa. The modern Aare started during the time of Akintola, MKO and myself.

Notwithstanding, one of the reasons the Imperial Majesty, the Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi and Yoruba monarchs conferred the Aare Ona Kakanfo title on me was because I have a group that could assist Yorubaland in terms of cultural promotion, unity and security.

Also, through the followers, we can bring more development to the region. I have to try my best in my own way. I talked to many people and even wrote letters to governors in the region and traditional rulers.

After a year, the governors decided to hold a security summit which I attended though we didn’t end it as there was no communique. There was also another conference in Ibadan, Oyo State, where I spoke and the then Inspector-General of Police also organised a security summit and issued a communique to partner with the Oodua People’s Congress.

That was what set the ball rolling for us to operate. I move beyond the OPC. I am not only the leader of the OPC in the South-West as the Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland, but I am also a shadow patron to other groups in the region whether I am installed as the patron of the groups or not. I have also called other groups in the area for a security meeting.

How do you rate the regime of Major General Muhammadu Buhari (retd.) in the areas of the economy, social justice and respect for the rule of law?

We’re not feeling the economy at all. It’s becoming more biting by the day on the people. People don’t analyse the economy on the pages of the newspapers. The masses have to feel the impact of a good economy. People have to see food on their tables, and essential commodities have to be affordable for them. There should also be jobs. Many are losing their jobs. Banks sack their workers and industries are collapsing.

From Anthony to Apapa believed to be industrial areas,  many firms have closed down. When we talk of social justice, the regime appraisal in this regard is poor. Even as president, the late Umaru Yar’Adua always said the rule of law was paramount. Even during the legal process on his election, he admitted that the election that brought him to power wasn’t perfect. He was a northerner mind you. That tells you someone with a conscience. We’re not sentimental. He respected the rule of law. He obeyed court rulings. It’s funny that this government doesn’t believe in the rule of law.

When I became the Aare Ona Kakanfo, I promise to limit my radicalism. But we have realised that if we don’t talk, it will consume us and the gains made in the struggles we partook in. We fought for the enthronement of democracy, and we must protect it by abiding by the rule of law.

The leader of the Islamic Movement of Nigeria, also known as Shi’ites, Sheikh Ibrahim El-Zakzaky and a former National Security Adviser, Col. Sambo Dasuki (retd), was granted bail but the government refused to obey the rulings.

Now, SaharaReporters publisher, Omoyele Sowore, that didn’t steal Nigeria’s money nor carried guns was granted bail. But the Department of State Services invaded the court premises to rearrest him. It’s unfortunate, but some leaders who read partisanship into these cases would be consumed at the end of the day if care is not taken. The security agencies may not know the consequences of what they are doing now. But the global village will paint the country black, and any aids or grants meant for the country would be blocked.

By the time we realise it, there will be sanctions from countries. When sanctions are slammed on the country, the people in power will not feel it. It’s the masses that will bear the brunt. If countries block trade advantages against Nigeria, the masses will feel the effects.

Today it’s Sowore, do we know who is next? I am not an ally of Sowore. I know what he did to me during the 2015 election and through 2017. Most of Sahara Reporters’ stories about me were malicious. But the issue at stake now is not about Sowore. It’s about protecting the judiciary; one of the most reputable institutions in a democracy. When the judiciary fails, democracy has collapsed.

The last hope of any common man is the judiciary. But in a situation where the government refuses to obey court judgements, democracy has collapsed. I am one of those who fought for democracy so I can’t keep quiet.

Also, the executive has cowed the legislature by installing its principal officers through the party machinery. The senate president has said they would act on any requests from the executive. It’s not supposed to be that way. The legislative arm is supposed to be independent. Courts now grant DSS orders to hold suspects in custody when such persons should be summoned immediately. Many things are changing in our political system. Our institutions are being broken.

I will be 50 next year. I don’t carry any country’s passport other than Nigeria’s. I am a citizen of Nigeria. Whenever we’re abroad, Nigerians in the Diaspora molest us, asking “what are you doing about our country?” They believe we’re part of the system. Even at the points of entry into some countries, Nigerians are often separated to be interviewed because of their nationality.

What is your view on the hate speech and social media regulation bills before the Senate?

The sponsor of the hate speech bill should be tagged ‘Enemy of democracy.’ The main content of any democracy is free speech. Democracy is a government of the people, by the people and for the wellbeing of the people. Someone then smuggled into Nigeria the contents of a Singaporean law to be replicated in the country. He didn’t copy the good developmental model in Singapore for us to copy in Nigeria.

That lawmaker, I say again, should be tagged, “Enemy of democracy.” Yoruba say “When one is sent the message of a slave, one should deliver it with the character of a freeborn.” Unfortunately, we have such a person in the legislature. His senatorial district shouldn’t return him to the Senate.

The senate president should be careful as all eyes are on them. They are supposed to be friends of the masses. The Head, Directorate of Military Intelligence, during the late Sani Abacha regime, was Col. (Frank) Omenka. The DMI was like the DSS now. He was in charge of mistreating people at the time in an underground cell in Apapa, Lagos.

But today, nobody remembers Omenka. They talk about Abacha. Nobody remembers the people Abacha used to perpetrate evil during his regime or those that carried out wrong actions on his behalf. It’s only Abacha people remember today. Many things were even done in Abacha’s name by the people who he didn’t also give such orders. If the current leaders in the country don’t care, the same thing will happen to them in the future. Before they know it, 2023 will come, and they will become former occupiers of the offices. Even if they installed someone, the person can’t save them.

Nigeria cannot continue the way it’s going. If it continues like this for the next six years, I’m afraid the country will burn because the level of hardship, insecurity and the battered image is too high. There’s a high level of visa denials against Nigerians by countries. If the frustration gets too high and the people realise that the government’s actions are responsible for their plight, they would be angry with the government.

Our electoral system has been destroyed. Now, regardless of the good image you have, you cannot win elections. Money politics and godfatherism rule our electoral system. We cannot continue like this and think the country will last. I’m advising Muhammadu Buhari to do the right thing.

The issue of insecurity is getting worse. We have a partial war going on in the North-East. Kidnapping in the North-West, North-Central, South-East and South-South. Kidnapping and ritual killings were ongoing in the South-West. These cases are underreported. In advanced countries, governments partner with retirees, drivers and citizens to share intelligence with security agencies. I must, however, commend the IG for coming up with community policing to partner with the relevant groups to tackle insecurity.

The South-West governors initiated a security architecture codenamed ‘Operation Amotekun (leopard)’ to combat insecurity in the region, but it has yet to take off. Do you think the governors are doing enough to stem insecurity in the area?

I think the governors don’t know what to do with ‘Operation Amotekun.” We wrote them, and I also spoke with two of them. We gathered that a leader of the ruling party who is also an ex-governor called some of them not to allow the OPC to be part of the security initiative.

We laughed when we heard that because of the governors refused to secure the region, the person who told them not to involve the OPC would have destroyed them. We will not keep quiet. We are not even asking only the OPC to partner with them. We are bringing different organisations but have to coordinate them.

We also heard that the Lagos State Government intended to use the Neighbourhood (Watch) to combat insecurity in the state. Some members of the group were recruited from the OPC. But by the time they left the OPC, the spirit of our group left them.  By the time they lured away from our members without my knowledge or consent, the OPC spirit leaves them immediately. I have a joker (card) in my hand. If they don’t carry me along in this issue of insecurity ravaging the South-West, some of them would be disgraced. I know where I am coming from. God has a reason for bringing me here this time to play my role. But if some people say because of political interests or godfatherism they would not let me play my position, the owners of Yorubaland would ask them.

Can you tell us the joker card?

I cannot reveal it to you. It’s the last card one plays in some games. Yoruba will hear from us. The governors are only South-West governors for now and not permanent. Yorubaland is permanent. They have to do the right thing to secure the people and Yorubaland.

Do you think the operation can check the security challenges facing the South-West?

It will tackle insecurity in the region if it’s not politicised or infiltrated by godfathers. What are we even talking about politics? It’s when the atmosphere is secure, and there’s a peace that we can speak of playing any reliable politics. For how long will the lives of our people be wasted before we do the right thing? The wave of insecurity is blowing from the South-East, North-West and North-Central to the South-West.

There are lots of kidnappings ongoing along the Lekki-Epe axis. When we concluded the 2019 edition of the Ajagunmale Festival in Lekki, Lagos, we drove within Epe and Ikorodu for one and a half hours without seeing more than three vehicles on the road. Motorists have deserted the road. You then say Neighbourhood (Watch) would handle that. We know those who can lay down their lives to protect the Yoruba.

Do you think Nigeria can progress without restructuring?

Nigeria cannot progress without restructuring. For Nigeria to progress, it has to restructure. The Nigerian government has failed without adhering to the agenda of our forebears that upon independence that there must true federalism.

Immediately (first Nigerian military head of state) Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi changed the country’s system from true federalism to unitary system, within one year, there was a  civil war. Nigeria was no longer the same since the war ended in 1970.

Many people have different concepts for restructuring. What is your idea of restructuring?

In my perspective, there are two phases. One, a zonal arrangement where every region will have its police, economy and a certain percentage given to the centre.

Two, a return to the 1963 Constitution when each region had self-autonomy and about 25 per cent of each region’s income went to the centre. That’s simple. Every region should determine its electricity, economy, agriculture and external affairs such as army, navy, airforce, the centre should handle customs. But every region should have its police.

How best can Nigeria curb violence, becoming a permanent feature of its electoral process?

Our electoral system has to be overhauled, and the rule of law must be obeyed. The Electoral Act 2018 (Amendment) bill denied executive assent should be signed into law.

Look at what happened during the Kogi governorship election. A women leader of an opposition political party was burnt alive. If we don’t address the issues affecting our electoral process, we will continue having rubbish output every time. And if care is not taken, we will run ourselves into anarchy. Most of the African countries at war today started gradually, and the people there didn’t take care to resolve the contending issues that confronted them. Those in power now should endeavour to leave a legacy by solving the country’s problems based on true federalism.

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Africa

Akwa Ibom Corps Member Slaughters Boyfriend

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Princess Odume

A corps member identified as Princess Odume, was on Monday arrested by the Akwa Ibom police command for the murder of a yet-to-be-identified man.

The young woman, who is said to be a graduate of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Enugu State, was stripped naked by neighbours of the victim who caught her trying to skip the fence with a machete.

The Akwa Ibom Police Public Relations Officer, Odiko Ogbeche-Macdon confirmed the victim was the alleged murderer’s lover.
He also said, “The police are investigating. The police have her in custody, she committed the act, but as I speak, an investigation is ongoing as to how and why she did it.”

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Africa

COVID-19 Claims the Life of a House on the Rock Pastor

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Pastor Adeyinka Akinbami

A House On The Rock pastor, Adeyinka Akinbami(61), lost his life to COVID-19 on Friday, the 8th of January, 2021.

The Senior Pastor, of the church, Paul Adefarasin, urged Nigerians to adhere to the COVID-19 protocols.

“Yesterday (Friday), I received the rude and shocking news of someone deeply dear to me and all of the HOTR family. The passing of Pastor Yinka Akinbami has become most painful because if there truly were good men, he was certainly one. To my brother, sleep well till we meet to part no more.

“Family, kindly allow me to solicit your intercession for his dear wife of over 30 years; Pastor Tolu, his children, his children-in-law, and grandchildren. We can only at best imagine how much pain they are feeling. We share the pain of his loss but they will feel it a lot more.

“It’s important to remind the community about the deadly nature of the COVID-19 and its mutant virus strains. Please do your part by following all the recommended precautions. That way, you are able to protect yourself and others who become proximal to you. God bless and keep us all”, Adefarasin Tweeted.

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Bizare

Pius and Dr, Ifenyiwa Angbo: The sad story of everyday Nigerian hardworking women.

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Pius Angbo

The Channels news staffer Pius Angbo-seen in this picture battered his wife, who went public with the beating. In her own words, the woman had these to say:-
”Hello people, my name is Ifeyinwa. I am a doctor. I have been married to Pius Angbo of Channels TV for six years, and for six years, I have not known peace in this marriage. It’s been from one woman to another.
I just had baby. It was a Caesarian section just about 4 weeks ago. Just because I told him to spend wisely and not on women so recklessly considering we have four children, that is why I got this beating. He tried to strangle me and all that, sat on my incision, the children were crying.
When I was pregnant with this child, when the pregnancy was three months, it was the same thing. He would sit on my stomach. hit me, try to strangle me and all that”

As the outcry over the beating gathered momentum, a sitting State Governor called for a truce between husband and wife. Now, you can see husband and wife hugging it out.
Pius Angbo should be arrested and face the full wrath of the law for causing his wife such bodily harm. As shown in those pictures, the beating went too far, and because Ifeaniyiwa had a cesarian operation four weeks ago, the man almost killed her. The matter should not be swept under the carpet.
The next time around, the woman may not be alive to tell her story. Her case represents a tiny fraction of what everyday Nigerian woman is facing. I spoke with the Lagos State Police PRO and waits to talk with the Commissioner of Police very shortly, concerning this matter. More updates will be made public.

AGU is Nigerian-American International award wining musician, song writer and Producer/ publisher.

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Inside Nigeria

The Nigeria-Biafra war: Remembering the fearless heroes- photo-Gallery/video by Agu

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The Nigerian-Biafra-war

It was probably 15 years after the Nigerian -Biafran civil war ended that my thought process comprehended the full tragic impact it had on my family. The first time I saw four of my nephews, I wondered why they could not speak my dialect. Also, they had a last name that does not sound anything close to the language that I speak. I became inquisitive and began asking questions. My mother told me how the Nigerian soldiers took over my town and started kidnapping girls from my village. My senior sisters hidden inside the house Chimney were not spared after the soldier’s informant gave them away.
My father could not do anything to stop them. He came close to being killed by the same soldiers. He watched in utter shock how his girls got taken away. After that incident, my father left the village and never came back alive. It hurts to this day that i never get to know my father due to Nigerian-Biafran civil war. Anyway, this part of my story is reserved for another day.
Also, my nephews of Yoruba extract never had a father-son-relationship with their Yoruba fathers. Their lives were equally shattered. The entire Eastern- Nigeria is still a conquered place. Daily, you will think the war is not over.
Today, as we remember those who died during the Nigeria-Biafra civil war, let me leave you with this memory. I would also implore you to read this article ‘Buried for 50 years: Britain’s shameful role in the Biafran war”.
See the shocking footages and photo gallery,

Buried for 50 years: Britain’s shameful role in the Biafran war

A million children starved to death. I’m haunted by the images I saw there – and by the complicity of the Wilson government

t is a good thing to be proud of one’s country, and I am – most of the time. But it would be impossible to scan the centuries of Britain’s history without coming across a few incidents that evoke not pride but shame. Among those I would list are the creation by British officialdom in South Africa of the concentration camp, to persecute the families of Boers. Add to that the Amritsar massacre of 1919 and the Hola camps set up and run during the struggle against Mau Mau.

The northern and western regions were swept by a pogrom in which thousands of Igbo were slaughtered

But there is one truly disgusting policy practised by our officialdom during the lifetime of anyone over 50, and one word will suffice: Biafra.

This referred to the civil war in Nigeria that ended 50 years ago this month. It stemmed from the decision of the people of the eastern region of that already riot-racked country to strike for independence as the Republic of Biafra. As I learned when I got there as a BBC correspondent, the Biafrans, mostly of the Igbo people, had their reasons.

The federal government in Lagos was a brutal military dictatorship that came to power in 1966 in a bloodbath. During and following that coup, the northern and western regions were swept by a pogrom in which thousands of resident Igbo were slaughtered. The federal government lifted not a finger to help. It was led by an affable British-educated colonel, Yakubu Gowon. But he was a puppet. The true rulers were a group of northern Nigerian colonels. The crisis deepened, and in early 1967 eastern Nigeria, harbouring about 1.8 million refugees, sought restitution. A British-organised conference was held in Ghana and a concordat agreed. But Gowon, returning home, was flatly contradicted by the colonels, who tore up his terms and reneged on the lot. In April the Eastern Region formally seceded and on 7 July, the federal government declared war.

Biafra was led by the Eastern Region’s Oxford-educated former military governor, “Emeka” Ojukwu. London, ignoring all evidence that it was Lagos that reneged on the deal, denounced the secession, made no attempt to mediate and declared total support for Nigeria.

I arrived in the Biafra capital of Enugu on the third day of the war. In London I had been copiously briefed by Gerald Watrous, head of the BBC’s West Africa Service. What I did not know was that he was the obedient servant of the government’s Commonwealth Relations Office (CRO), which believed every word of its high commissioner in Lagos, David Hunt. It took two days in Enugu to realise that everything I had been told was utter garbage.

I had been briefed that the brilliant Nigerian army would suppress the rebellion in two weeks, four at the most. Fortunately the deputy high commissioner in Enugu, Jim Parker, told me what was really happening. It became clear that the rubbish believed by the CRO and the BBC stemmed from our high commissioner in Lagos. A racist and a snob, Hunt expected Africans to leap to attention when he entered the room – which Gowon did. At their single prewar meeting Ojukwu did not. Hunt loathed him at once.

My brief was to report the all-conquering march of the Nigerian army. It did not happen. Naively, I filed this. When my report was broadcast our high commissioner complained to the CRO in London, who passed it on to the BBC – which accused me of pro-rebel bias and recalled me to London. Six months later, in February 1968, fed up with the slavishness of the BBC to Whitehall, I walked out and flew back to west Africa. Ojukwu roared with laughter and allowed me to stay. My condition was that, having rejected British propaganda, I would not publish his either. He agreed.

But things had changed. British covert interference had become huge. Weapons and ammunition poured in quietly as Whitehall and the Harold Wilson government lied and denied it all. Much enlarged, with fresh weapons and secret advisory teams, the Nigerian army inched across Biafra as the defenders tried to fight back with a few bullets a day. Soviet Ilyushin bombers ranged overhead, dropping 1,000lb bombs on straw villages. But the transformation came in July.

Missionaries had noticed mothers emerging from the deep bush carrying children reduced to living skeletons yet with bloated bellies. Catholic priests recognised the symptoms – kwashiorkor or acute protein deficiency.

That same July the Daily Express cameraman David Cairns ran off a score of rolls of film and took them to London. Back then, the British public had never seen such heartrending images of starved and dying children. When the pictures hit the newsstands the story exploded. There were headlines, questions in the House of Commons, demonstrations, marches.

As the resident guide for foreign news teams I became somewhat overwhelmed. But at last the full secret involvement of the British government started to be exposed and the lies revealed. Wilson came under attack. The story swept Europe then the US.

Donations flooded in. The money could buy food – but how to get it there? Around year’s end the extraordinary Joint Church Aid was born.

The World Council of Churches helped to buy some clapped-out freighter aircraft and gained permission from Portugal to use the offshore island São Tomé as a base. Scandinavian pilots and crew, mostly airline pilots, offered to fly without pay. Joint Church Aid was quickly nicknamed Jesus Christ Airlines. And thus came into being the world’s only illegal mercy air bridge.

On a visit to London in spring 1969 I learned the efforts the British establishment will take to cover up its tracks. Every reporter, peer or parliamentarian who had visited Biafra and reported on what he had seen was smeared as a stooge of Biafra – even the utterly honourable John Hunt, leader of the Everest expedition.

Throughout 1969 the relief planes flew through the night, dodging Nigerian MiG fighters, to deliver their life-giving cargoes of reinforced milk powder to a jungle airstrip. From there trucks took the sacks to the missions, the nuns boiled up the nutriments and kept thousands of children alive.

Karl Jaggi, head of the Red Cross, estimated that up to a million children died, but that at least half a million were saved. As for me, sometimes in the wee small hours I see the stick-like children with the dull eyes and lolling heads, and hear their wails of hunger and the low moans as they died.

What is truly shameful is that this was not done by savages but aided and assisted at every stage by Oxbridge-educated British mandarins. Why? Did they love the corruption-riven, dictator-prone Nigeria? No. From start to finish, it was to cover up that the UK’s assessment of the Nigerian situation was an enormous judgmental screw-up. And, worse: with neutrality and diplomacy from London it could all have been avoided.

Biafra is little discussed in the UK these days – a conflict overshadowed geopolitically by the Vietnam war, which raged at the same time. Yet the sheer nastiness of the British establishment during those three years remains a source of deep shame that we should never forget.

Frederick Forsyth is a former war correspondent and an author

Guardian Service

Execution of Mathias Kanu, A Biafran by Nigeria Army
Execution of Mathias Kanu, A Biafran by Nigeria Army.mp4
Nigeria-Biafra War | Road to Umuahia | British TV Reporter Peter Sissons Shot & injured | Oct. 1968.mp4

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